Dit artikel is deel van de DaanSpeak-serie
Waarom
oorlog?
20nov01
Waarom stort de Westerse wereld onder leiding van de VS ons nu in een
oorlog die mogelijk nog jaren gaat duren? Dat is wat DaanSpeak zichzelf
al wekenlang afvraagt. Stukje bij beetje hopen we het antwoord op deze
vraag te vinden. De vorige
DaanSpeak in deze serie (voorafgegaan door deze
DaanSpeak) was een tweede stap op deze weg. Hieronder wandelen we verder.
Wat blijkt is dat oorlog zeer lucratief kan zijn voor de machtspositie
van de aanvoerder van de oorlogsvoerders, de president van de VS. Onderstaand
tref je delen van een artikel
van Skull
& Boneslid Dana
Milbank van de Washington Post.
'In war, it’s power to the president
Nov. 20 — The Sept. 11 terrorist attacks and the war in Afghanistan
have dramatically accelerated a push by the Bush administration to strengthen
presidential powers, giving President Bush a dominance over American government
exceeding that of other post-Watergate presidents and rivaling even Franklin
D. Roosevelt’s command.
ON A wide variety of fronts, the administration has moved
to seize power that it has shared with other branches of government. In
foreign policy, Bush announced vast cuts in the U.S. nuclear arsenal but
resisted putting the cuts in a treaty — thereby averting a Senate ratification
vote. In domestic policy, the administration proposed reorganizing the
Immigration and Naturalization Service without the congressional action
lawmakers sought. And in legal policy, the administration seized the judiciary’s
power as Bush signed an order allowing terrorists to be tried in military
tribunals.
Those actions, all taken last week, build on earlier
Bush efforts to augment White House power, including initiatives to limit
intelligence briefings to members of Congress, take new spending authority
from the legislature, and expand the executive branch’s power to monitor
and detain those it suspects of terrorism.
[...]
Now, in the views of many scholars, Bush has restored the “Imperial Presidency,”
a term Arthur Schlesinger Jr. used to describe Richard M. Nixon’s administration
in 1973. “The power President Bush is wielding today is truly breathtaking,”
said Tim Lynch, director of the Project on Criminal Justice at the libertarian
Cato Institute. “A single individual is going to decide whether the war
is expanded to Iraq. A single individual is going to decide how much privacy
American citizens are going to retain.”
[...]
The public — and Congress — seem content for Bush to assume as much power
as he desires.
[...]
This pattern of consolidating presidential authority has extended to other
areas of governance. Bush issued an executive order allowing a sitting
president to block release of a predecessor’s records, undermining a law
Congress passed about such papers. When an open-meeting law prevented
Bush’s Social Security commission from meeting privately, the group split
into two so the law would not apply. In foreign affairs, the administration
has shown a distaste for international treaties that require congressional
ratification, recently rejecting amendments to the Biological Weapons
Convention in favor of actions that wouldn’t require legislative approval.
[...]
Bush has opposed Congress granting statutory authority to Homeland Security
Director Tom Ridge, which has allowed Ridge to refuse congressional requests
for him to testify. Bush’s Justice Department decided, without the usual
waiting period for public comment, that it could listen in on lawyer-client
conversations if Attorney General John D. Ashcroft believes it necessary
to prevent terrorism; he could do so even if people have not been charged
and even in the absence of a court order. That move followed congressional
approval of the USA Patriot Act, which makes it easier for the government
to monitor, search, detain or deport suspects and gives the Justice Department
more power to detain immigrants without charges. Also this month, the
government stopped saying how many people it has detained related to the
Sept. 11 attacks.'
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